RELEVANT ISSUES OF THE MERCOSUR 2020 AGENDA:
Common external tariff, agreement with the EU and link with the Pacific
Alliance
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by Félix Peña
December 2019
English translation: Isabel Romero Carranza
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At least three issues appear as most relevant in the
perspective of a 2020 Mercosur agenda. These refer to the common external
tariff, the effective validity of the agreement with the European Union
and the strengthening of ties with the Pacific Alliance. Although not
the only ones, these are the issues that may have a greater impact on
the future development of subregional economic integration process. Additionally,
they could potentially pose the greatest difficulties for achieving an
intelligent agreement of the various national interests.
The first relevant issue involves the level of protection that results
from the application of the Mercosur external tariff that is finally agreed
upon. The second issue refers to the effective implementation of the agreement
between Mercosur and the EU. On June 28, it was announced that the negotiations
had concluded, at least in the foreign trade chapter. The path down the
road that should lead to its effective entry into force, which is estimated
will be achieved in approximately two years, has begun. Finally, the third
relevant issue is related to the link between Mercosur and the Pacific
Alliance. This latter issue is closely linked to the strategy of convergence
in diversity within the Latin American regional space.
These three issues are closely interlinked. At the same time, they
are essential to help assess the real scope of the international insertion
strategy that the Mercosur member countries choose to follow.
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The main fronts of international trade negotiations that Mercosur and,
therefore, its member countries, choose to address present different options
that need to be evaluated. Assessing these options and their relative
costs will be, from now on, one of the priorities of the strategic thinking
related to the international insertion of any Mercosur member countries.
Such strategic thinking will have to include the necessary adaptation
of Mercosur to the new world realities and to the realities of its own
member countries, which in some cases are experiencing a full and complex
evolution. It is not a matter of falling again for the "refounding
syndrome", which has happened with some frequency, often associated
with changes in the government of the partner with greater economic power.
It may be more practical, effective and therefore advisable to practice
the art of metamorphosis. This means to promote gradual changes that allow
capitalizing on acquired experiences and the results achieved and, at
the same time, introducing the modifications deemed necessary.
This is even more advisable, when a process of integration between countries
faces, more than an existential crisis, a methodological one on how to
develop the joint work of the participating nations. This seems to be
the case today of Mercosur. Hence, no member country has openly raised
the idea of withdrawing from the political, economic and legal pact that
links it with its partners. This would mean recognizing that none of the
partners have a true contingency plan.
In the perspective of a Mercosur Agenda 2020, at least three issues appear
as more relevant for the strategy of international trade negotiations.
These issues refer to the common external tariff, the effective validity
of the agreement with the European Union (EU) and the strengthening of
ties with the countries of the Pacific Alliance (PA). Although not the
only ones, these are the issues that may have a greater impact on the
future development of the negotiating strategy and of the subregional
economic integration process itself. They could present the greatest challenges
in achieving an intelligent agreement of the various national interests.
The first issue relates to the common external tariff and its level of
relative protection. The need to reduce it even drastically has already
been raised, especially by the Brazilian government. It is a matter of
strong economic sensitivity, especially for some industrial sectors. It
may have an impact on the industrial and foreign trade policies of the
member countries. At the same time, it can be approached with flexibility,
and not only based on theoretical or ideological parameters.
It is also a matter of high political sensitivity at the level of the
functioning of Mercosur and its member countries, especially depending
on the way that the current common external tariff is modified, which
should supposedly be by consensus. It has been suggested that, if there
were no such consensus, a country could still individually reduce its
external tariff. In fact, one way would be if Mercosur could be transformed
into a free trade zone with no common external tariff. A practical and
not minor problem is that this would require modifying the constituent
pact of Mercosur and, therefore, it would need to be submitted in each
member country for the corresponding parliamentary approval. From a political
point of view it would be difficult if eventually the necessary majority
was not available.
The second relevant issue is the effective implementation of the agreement
between Mercosur and the EU. On June 28, it was announced that the negotiations
of the trade chapter had been concluded. Then the path of the road that
should lead to its effective entry into force began. It is estimated that
this may require approximately two years.
With regard to this agreement with the EU, positive and even enthusiastic
reactions have been observed in some Mercosur member countries. However,
such reactions have not been similar in all countries, nor in relation
to all the issues addressed, especially in the trade chapter. The debate
on the "fine print" seems to be far from over and it has not
always been easy to address it due to the lack of transparency of the
negotiations, which have been difficult to follow and to understand by
those who were not at the negotiating table. Thus, the parliamentary approval
could potentially pose serious difficulties in some Mercosur countries.
In an interpretation that would appear to facilitate the approval process
of the agreement, it has been pointed out that in the case of Mercosur
the agreement would come into effect as each national Parliament approved
it. Although it is not easy to find or verify the text this decision,
it would have been agreed at the Mercosur Summit meeting in Santa Fe last
July. This bilateral scope of the entry into force would be regarded as
a way to facilitate the necessary approval process. It would then be an
incentive for the respective Parliaments to approve the agreement.
However, it would be convenient to analyze the impact that such bilateral
modality of entry into force of the agreement would have from the perspective
of what is prescribed in Article 2 of the Treaty of Asuncion, which establishes
that "the Common Market will be founded on the reciprocity of rights
and obligations between the States Parties". This is a fundamental
rule of Mercosur. It implies recognizing reciprocity in the granting and
use of the tariff preferences that are agreed, especially as a result
of the combined effect of the common external tariff and the elimination
of intra-Mercosur tariffs. The practical effect of what is prescribed
in the mentioned article is clear: the tariff preferences granted among
member countries cannot be unilaterally liquidated, they can only be modified
through joint decisions of all member countries.
This condition can be explained by the need to avoid, at the founding
moment, tendencies to develop bilateral negotiation strategies of a member
country with third countries, especially those with large markets. We
need to remember that at the time when the Treaty of Asunción was
negotiated, the US government had already announced its idea of promoting
a free trade area of the Americas. Perhaps this has something to do with
the reasons that led to include Article 2 of the Treaty: to avoid neutering
the preferences granted in Mercosur as a result of unilateral decisions
of a member country.
It is natural that there are strong doubts as to whether Mercosur as
a whole can effectively achieve the goal of projecting itself to the world
as an economic area with a common external tariff and that negotiates
as a unit with diverse and, especially, large markets. One option would
then be to return to the individual negotiation strategies of each member
country, dropping the common external tariff. It would mean either to
transform Mercosur into a free trade zone, or eventually abandoning the
ambitious political idea that led to the creation of Mercosur. In that
case, each country would need to assess what would be the best option
for them.
The imaginable alternative plan to transform Mercosur into a free trade
zone, in the sense meant by Article XXIV of the GATT-WTO, abolishing the
common external tariff (CET) - the elimination of Decision 32 /00 would
not be sufficient for legal reasons- could have some high political and
economic costs. It would also imply modifying the Treaty of Asunción.
It is up to each country to determine whether it is appropriate to face
such costs.
The third relevant issue is the link between Mercosur and the countries
of the Pacific Alliance. It is an issue that is related with the strategy
of convergence in diversity in the Latin American region. Such a strategy
was proposed, at the time, by the Chilean government during the Presidency
of Michelle Bachelet, and was discussed further in a meeting with the
participation of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade of
the Mercosur countries and of the Pacific Alliance, which took place at
the Palacio de la Moneda in Santiago de Chile, on November 24, 2014.
It was clear then that the proposal was not an integration agreement
between two sub regional schemes, but to create roadmaps leading to the
establishment of multiple communicating vessels between the processes
of productive transformation and international insertion of the countries
belonging to both blocks (but not necessarily all). The ECLAC presented
on that occasion very concrete ideas that are still in force. The participants
also recognized that the 1980 Montevideo Treaty, which created the LAIA,
provides the institutional framework and appropriate and under-utilized
instruments (such as the different types of partial scope agreements)
to carry out a strategy devised and shared by the countries of the region.
It is possible to foresee that the countries that currently form part
of the Mercosur customs union, and that are the founding partners, will
also advance initiatives aimed at expanding the negotiating agenda with
other large economic areas, such as China, Japan, India, Korea and the
ASEAN in Asia, and the US and Canada in North America. If such initiatives
were promoted, they should necessary relate to the strategy of convergence
with the countries of the Pacific Alliance mentioned previously, and with
the broadest strategy in relation with Central America and the Caribbean,
including, most certainly, Cuba. The fact that Cuba is a member of LAIA,
can even make the role of this regional organization still more relevant
in the development of a more ambitious strategy for the integration of
Latin American countries in global international trade.
The three issues of the Mercosur Agenda 2020 are closely linked to each
other. At the same time, they are fundamental for the international integration
strategy that is chosen by the Mercosur member countries. The issue of
the common external tariff is key for at least two reasons. Firstly, due
to its impact on the ability to compete with goods and services in other
markets. Secondly, it shows that those who negotiate with Mercosur (in
this case the EU) do so with a group of countries acting as a unit, which
means access to a single market and not to the sum of individual countries.
The issue of the agreement with the EU is of great relevance as well.
It shows the will and also the capacity to negotiate and to compete with
large markets. The signal has been clear, in the sense that Mercosur will
also seek to negotiate preferential trade agreements with other markets,
including the US and China. Indeed, these two issues have a direct link
to the third issue, which is that of the link that Mercosur and the Pacific
Alliance develop in the future. The PA countries have different modalities
of agreements with Mercosur itself, with the EU, and also with relevant
countries of the international trading system, including, of course, China,
the US and Canada Connecting these modalities, especially through rules
of origin that facilitate business strategies for the development of productive
chains, would help provide a greater scope to the corresponding inter-regional
preferential trade agreements.
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Félix Peña Director
of the Institute of International Trade at the ICBC Foundation. Director
of the Masters Degree in International Trade Relations at Tres de Febrero
National University (UNTREF). Member of the Executive Committee of the
Argentine Council for International Relations (CARI). Member of the Evian
Group Brains Trust. More
information.
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